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    Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://ir.lib.ncu.edu.tw/handle/987654321/4448

    Title: 批判2003年至2009年台灣的反人口販運運動;A Critique of The Anti-Human Trafficking Industry in Taiwan From 2003 to 2009
    Authors: 鄭亘良;Keng-Liang Cheng
    Contributors: 英美語文學研究所
    Keywords: 人權;民族國家;治理;人口販運;性工作;移工;移民;immigration;sex work;human trafficking;nation-state;governance
    Date: 2009-06-30
    Issue Date: 2009-09-22 09:19:32 (UTC+8)
    Publisher: 國立中央大學圖書館
    Abstract: 從2003年大陸無證移民「丟包事件」開始,政府展開一連串移民管制來防堵跨國人口販運,至2009年政府更進一步通過人口販運防制法。本論文主要探討這段時期台灣反人口販運運動的過程、侷限與國家權力的變化。我的研究方法著重在描述運動歷史變化與分析文本的再現。我的文本主要來自報紙與網路新聞媒體、政府政策報告、以及反人口販運運動中非政府組織(NGO)的會議出版品與新聞稿。我試圖釐清主流人口販運的再現、反人口販運運動的知識建構、以及運動的發展,尤其關於運動的發展,我著重在國家與非政府組織之間權力的結合。 本論文有兩大主軸。在微觀層次上,我認為台灣反人口販運運動的受害者保護的知識框架,依舊複製主流社會對人口販運的刻板印象,甚至以受害者人權作為合理性(legitimacy)來強化國家對移民與性工作者的監控。在巨觀層次上,我將指出,受害者保護框架的侷限與暴力更凸顯了台灣政治民主化的侷限:即在政治民主化的脈絡上,雖然政府欲將反人口販運運動的機制與政策理性化(rationalization),因此採取全球治理的模式,串聯美國強權、國家權力與反娼派非政府組織為有效防和堵解決人口販運問題。但是也因為反人口販運運動知識框架的侷限,反而這樣的模式使得美國強權得以合法且合理地介入台灣政治,並且使國家權力與反娼非政府組織能夠合理地擴大國家對性工作與移民流動的管制。同時我欲進一步指出,國家治理轉型與權力的合理擴張不但反應還支撐了台灣民族國家(nation-state)的想像與建構——在種族、國籍與性(sexuality)上同質的國家想像(nation)與國際認可的民主人權國家的建構(nation)。更重要的是,雖然兩種國族想像看似互斥,但在反人口販運的脈絡下卻相互加強彼此建構,尤其人權國家的論述反而合理化同質國家的政策。 所以,我的論點旨在批評,建立在「保護受害者的犯罪防制」的「人權」觀,反而成為維護國家與社會最大利益的國家理性(reason of state),並依此利益為名,合理無限地擴張國家監控邊緣族群的權力。因為侷限在如此同質的國族想像上,看似理性的反人口販運政策反而合理化國家的監控,並且將台灣國族建立為新的法西斯國家(nation)。在這法西斯國家中,美帝霸權、國家權力與維護主流價值的反娼民間組織以民主為名匯聚為監控的網絡,而邊緣主體仍舊失聲,成為前者政治利益下可以被化約與歸類的「問題」。換句話說,如果我們不能反思「人權」與「民主化」的意義與此意義所處的社會脈絡,「人權」與「民主化」反而可能成為規訓權力合理擴張的能指(signifier)與政治工具,而非對邊緣主體與另類實踐的認可(recognition)。 The thesis will focus on the anti-human trafficking campaign in Taiwan starting from the 2003 “Throwing Package” incident when the government launched the campaign against Cross-Strait sex trafficking to the enactment of the Act of Human Trafficking Prevention in early 2009. My approach to the campaign will be based on a review of the movement history and discourse analysis. My primary resources are from the public media (mainly newspapers), the government policy reports and the anti-prostitution NGOs discourses from their conferences and movement causes. I will focus on their representation of human trafficking and the development of the anti-human trafficking campaign — especially the convergence of the state and anti-prostitution NGOs — during this period. The thesis will be divided into two aspects. In the micro-aspect, I will argue that the victim protection framework of the anti-human trafficking campaign reproduce the stereotype of human trafficking and reinforce surveillance of immigration and sex work by means of the legitimacy of victim’s human rights. In the macro-aspect, I will indicate that such a limit/violence of the victim’s rights protection reveals the rationalization of the corresponding state rule in Taiwan’s political democratization — the “global governance” wherein, under the legitimacy of the U.S. superpower, the Taiwan state and the NGO share the power to construct a legitimate and efficient surveillance on sex commerce and immigration. Such a ruling tactic not only reflects but also sustains the underlying Taiwan’s imagination as a nation-state in the anti-trafficking campaign — the dual-pronged making as well as mutual-reinforcing making of an exclusive homogeneous nation in terms of race, nationality and sexuality and an international human rights nation that would ironically legitimize the homogeneous exclusion. In this regard, the political implication of my argument shows that “human rights”, which aims at crime prevention to protect victims, gradually becomes “reason of state” that emphasizes the state’s great interest and allows the expansion of the state power. Thus, the corresponding rational political policies, which are delimited by the imagination of a homogeneous nation entity, in turn justify the state control and constitute the double-nation building as a new “fascist” nation, in which the state political power, the mainstream cultural dominance of the anti-prostitution NGOs and the U.S. neo-imperialism converge on a power network of surveillance, while the voices of the marginal social “deviants” are wiped out and categorized for the former political interests. In other words, the political democratization and human rights cause could eventually legitimize and extend the disciplinary power of the state rather than recognize the marginal groups’ alternative practices.
    Appears in Collections:[Graduate Program in English and American Language and Literature] Electronic Thesis & Dissertation

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