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|Authors: ||詹嘉雯;CHIA-WEN CHAN|
|Keywords: ||政治轉型;黨外;中壢事件;Chung-Li Incident|
|Issue Date: ||2009-09-22 09:31:47 (UTC+8)|
|Abstract: ||本文嘗試以「中壢事件」為基礎點，見證黨外勢力崛起，以至形成組織化、全面化、制度化的過程，並探討其如何深刻影響七０年代以迄八０年代臺灣政治發展之趨向。 一九七０年代以來的政治、經濟、社會等背景，包括中產階級的興起、外交的挫折，以及政治上「台灣化」、「本土化」的措施，促使黨外勢力藉此蓬勃發展，尤其一九七七年五項公職人員地方大選，為黨外勢力重要展現時機。 一九七七年是臺灣實施地方自治的第廿七年，是年十一月十九日臺灣舉行了一次統一地方選舉，此次選舉為臺灣地區自實施地方自治以來，規模最為龐大的一場地方大選，未料於投票當日在中壢市發生了選舉騷動事件，即震驚國內外的「中壢事件」。對於「中壢事件」的事發原因眾說紛紜，但事實上「中壢事件」之爆發，實屬偶發意外。無論如何，「中壢事件」之過程與最終以較之於「二二八事件」令人信服的合法方式解決，其始末明朗，完全不若五０年代之白色恐怖，此亦顯示國民黨對於黨外勢力的容忍性已較一九五０年代提高。 「中壢事件」後，黨外勢力開始進行一連串組織化行動，並出現類似於政黨的組織，其行動雖於一九七九年「美麗島事件」暫遭挫折，但不因此中挫其發展政黨的決心，仍藉由選舉，不斷擴大其組織模式。而國民黨對於黨外勢力的打壓，及至一九八０年代，在台灣與美國訂立的「台灣關係法」、經濟上保護主義、兩岸關係演變，與國民黨本身政權繼承等客觀因素下，開始出現轉機。 本文最末佐以道爾(Robert A. Dahl)「多元政治」（Polyarchy：Participation and Opposition）理論，分析「中壢事件」後，國民黨政權對於黨外勢力之凝聚、組織化的容忍度提高，此外，國民黨在考量此時對黨外的壓制，仍無法恢復其日益衰弱的合法性，同時也無法獲得民主準則在全球和本國社會中的優勢，更無法獲得國際尊重和合法性，決定將黨外勢力納入體系，促使台灣政治轉型。 七０年代中期以後，許多威權體制國家相繼走上民主之路，臺灣晚近的政體轉型過程大致是從七０年代後期開始，由威權政治體系進入自由化、民主化體系。在臺灣民主轉型的歷程中，一九八六年九月廿八日民進黨的成立尤具重大意義，這是「黨外」在臺灣近代史上組成的第一個具有社會基礎的反對黨。民進黨的出現，象徵臺灣進入一個嶄新的階段：政治自由化，也代表黨外勢力對民主轉型催化的進展。 The main purpose of this dissertation is to make a thorough study of “Chung-Li Incident” which resulted in the rise of opposite group of politicians of the Kuomintang (KMT). Furthermore, the incident led to the whole process of how these politicians organized and institutionalized an opposite political party to against the single party KMT at that time. In other words, through the investigation of this historical incident, this paper will examine and analyze how it influenced the Taiwanese political arena as a whole in the 70s, the 80s, and till today. In the 70s, the Taiwanese economy had been tremendously prosperous, moreover, the uprising of bourgeoisie in Taiwan and the United States had adopted its One-China policy by recognizing Mainland china’s sovereignty which led to the diplomatic turmoil that Taiwan had faced at that time had caused many dramatic changes took place in politics and social aspects altogether. The major change in Taiwanese Political situation was that people who were did not join the KMT could still be able to join the elections for local government posts. This had allowed the growth of opposition group of politicians and candidates of the KMT and it had booming greatly especially in 1977 for these oppositionists had won some posts in elections. It was the twenty-seventh year since Taiwan had started the home rule regulation and in the same year, Taiwan had held one time local county magistrate’s posts elections which was the by far the largest local government posts’ election. Afraid of that the KMT would not ring the ballot fairly, a riot had taken place in the town of Chung-Li. And this rebel, since then noted as the “Chung-Li Incident”. It was not doubt that there were various rumors of what caused the riot; however, it happened accidentally. This paper also reviews the similarities and differences between the “Chung-Li Incident” and the “228 Incident (also known as 228 Massacre)”. It is to say that the whole “Chung-Li Incident” was not as severe as the white terror happened in the 50s, which indicated that the KMT had displayed a higher and better tolerance towards other voices outside of the party than in the 50s. After the “Chung-Li Incident”, many of the oppositionists had begun the so called anti-KMT activities of forming and organizing political movements. The emergence of the opposite political movements had intervened by the KMT which set out to arrest those opposite leaders, later known as the “Formosa Incident”, in 1979. Even though the KMT had purged there oppositionists by all means, they still determined to form an anti-KMT political force. It turned out that these oppositionists had assimilated more and more people and gradually tried to find more alliances among people by winning in more local elections. The KMT had always been trying to suppress the opposite voices outside of the party. In the early 80s, the United States had created a so called “Taiwan Relations Act (TRA)”which explained how the US would deal with the relations with Taiwan. This TRA has assured Taiwan with its national, social and economical security, and it eventually changed the ways how the KMT treated the oppositionists outside of the party. The last part of this paper will use Robert A. Dahl’s ideology – Polyarchy, to dissect the effects of the “Chung-Li Incident”. It is to note that the KMT had found it was more difficult to suppress the opposite voices without getting criticisms from other democratic nations. In addition, the KMT had realized that it had become impossible to suppress other opinions so it had to allow the inevitable legal development of other political parties took place. In other words, the KMT had no choices but to learn to put up with the political voices outside of the party. Thus, it had forced the political situation in Taiwan changed from a dictatorship state to a more democratic nation. More and more nations had transformed from dictatorship to democracy in the mid 70s, including Taiwan. A major milestone of how Taiwan had becoming more democratic was when the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was organized and created in September 28, 1986. The emergence of the DPP represented that Taiwan has moved to a new political stage: more freedom in politics which also means that Taiwan is on its way to becoming a better and more well-developed democratic country.|
|Appears in Collections:||[歷史研究所碩士在職專班 ] 博碩士論文|
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