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    题名: 從「大義覺迷」到「五族共和」;——近代中國民族思想的形成與演變 From "Great Righteousness Resolving Confusion " to "Harmony among Five Races": The Formation and Evolution of the Idea of Ethnicity in Modern China
    作者: 彭憶濟;I-Chi Peng
    贡献者: 歷史研究所碩士在職專班
    日期: 2006-07-06
    上传时间: 2009-09-22 09:31:55 (UTC+8)
    出版者: 國立中央大學圖書館
    摘要: 摘 要 清朝民族政策形成的歷史背景,是滿洲統治者一方面必須改變傳統中國王朝採取以上對下的姿態、羈縻安撫邊疆民族的手法,改採較為平等的結盟、合作模式,與其他邊疆民族建立關係,實行相對平等的民族政策;另一方面,也設法保留本民族文化,對被統治的多數民族採取懷柔姿態,並進一步吸納漢人知識分子反抗異文化統治的能量,使統治民族與各被統治民族,在以儒家思想為核心的文化面前取得了相對平等的地位。 在明末清初漢人諸儒的激進民族觀中,包含了一些非理性的成分,其中的核心,乃是基於文化優越意識,從根本上質疑少數民族統治中原合法性。相較之下,雍正皇帝撰寫的《大義覺迷錄》,則體現出清朝統治者在統治中國時,將自身的統治經驗系統化為合理的民族思想的過程。清朝後期國際與國內局勢的變化導致清朝統治者的「內夷」與「外夷」概念進一步分化,漢人知識分子在面對漢人民變與國家外患時,也產生了不同的反應,逐步地接受了雍正皇帝所闡述的民族觀。 19世紀末期以來,革命派民族主義者與維新派的兩種對立的民族觀各自形成的脈絡是:雙方從中國傳統的「夷夏」觀及近代西方民族理論中,各取所需,分別形成具排他性的「漢民族主義」與具包容性的「中華民族主義」。「中華民族主義」的論述顯然承襲了《大義覺迷錄》的主張。革命派與維新派之間在民族與民族主義問題上展開爭論後,革命派中的理性主張逐漸浮現,革命派與維新派在同化其他民族的問題上,逐漸取得共識。但革命派建立單一民族國家的主張與維新派提出「五族立憲」主張之間仍存在重大歧異;無政府主義者也批判了革命派民族主義的狹隘觀念。辛亥革命前後邊疆非漢民族地區對辛亥革命的反應,驗證了維新派具有包容性的民族觀念的先見性。 中華民國建立之後確立的「五族共和」政策,與孫中山堅持的民族同化論仍然有所衝突。中國國民黨執政前後確立了以反帝為核心的國家民族觀,以「民族統一」的口號,取代了「五族共和」的精神,但此舉顯然為潛在的民族衝突種下種籽。 Abstract For the most part of its history, China had been ruled by ethnic Han, the majority ethnic group of China. The two exceptions to this assertion are the Yuan dynasty run by the Mongols and the Qing dynasty ruled by the Manchus; both of which are ethnic minorities under contemporary China. The Qing dynasty was the last Imperial dynasty of China. With respect to Mongolia, Tibet, and Eastern Turkestan, like other dynasties before it, the Qing maintained imperial control, with the emperor acting as Mongol khan, patron of Tibetan Buddhism and protector of Muslims. Thus, the notion of ethnic differences adopted by narrators of history, Emperor Yongzheng wrote his famous work Great Righteousness Resolving Confusion ( “Dayi Juemi Lu” ) in order to disconfirm those prejudice criticizes came from some Han intellectuals whom firmly believed in Han chauvinism. Qing policy toward ethnic groups aimed to reduce inequality among Hans, Manchus, Mongols, and other ethnic groups. During its regime, the Qing Dynasty consolidated its grip on China, integrated with Chinese culture. The conflict between Manchu and the Han Chinese had been nearly forgotten in the middle of the Qing dynasty due to the Manchu integration to Chinese culture. By the 1860s, the Qing dynasty had put down the rebellions with the help of militia organized by the Han gentry. However, with the decline of the Qing regime, the Manchu-Han problem began to surface again after the Taiping Rebellion. After 1890, writings concerning repulsion with the Manchus began to resurface. Books left over from the last years of Ming dynasty guided the influential intellectuals of the period. Many revolutionaries even promoted their cause by taking advantage of such ideas. The main revolutionary forces in the early part of the 20th century were full of ideas of "Manchu repulsion". But, arguments from revolutionary were criticized by reformers such as Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao whom adapted the idea of Emperor Yongzheng and influenced by national integration theory from Western thinker. Reformers argue, underlying the Chinese Confucian concept, anyone can be a member of the Chinese community as long as he or she accepts the Chinese culture, and if "Manchu repulsion" take place, China would lost some large portion of its territory. Eventually, the reformers won. After the overthrow of the Qing regime, the slogan of revolution was changed from "exiling the Manchus" to "harmony among five races" in an attempt to unify the country in fragments. Non-Han ethnic groups were then regarded as equally part of the Chinese nation in the Republic of China, under the pluralistic ideal of “Zhonghua Minzu”.
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