後文革時期趙紫陽之研究(1978-1989); A study of Zhao Ziyang in the late period of Cultural Revolution (1978-1989)

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题名:	後文革時期趙紫陽之研究(1978-1989);A study of Zhao Ziyang in the late period of Cultural Revolution (1978-1989)
作者:	黃立中;Li-Chung Huang
贡献者:	歷史研究所碩士在職專班
关键词:	趙紫陽;Zhao Ziyang
日期:	2007-06-25
上传时间:	2009-09-22 09:32:38 (UTC+8)
出版者:	國立中央大學圖書館
摘要:	本論文主要探討的問題有：第一，後文革時期，沒有軍隊背景、相對年輕的趙紫陽，如何從地方大員迅速爬上總理、總書記的職位，其過程是值得探討的。第二，後文革時期中共致力經濟改革，趙紫陽擔任總理時主管經濟工作，趙所扮演的角色將在本文探討。第三，趙紫陽擔任總理與總書記均需要鄧小平的支持，為何在1989年學潮時，兩人立場相左，因此趙與鄧之間互動的變化是值得深入分析的。晉身中央前，趙紫陽政治敏銳度高，能力強，也能積極配合中央政策，是一個精明幹練的官僚，但或許受限於中共習於鬥爭的政治文化，此前的趙紫陽稱不上有政治理想。1980年成為總理後，趙紫陽執行鄧小平追求經濟改革開放的意志，同時也受限於政治上的「四個堅持」，以致經濟改革難以順利進行，社會轉型的問題接踵而來，也因此承擔價格改革挫敗的責任；及至升為總書記，趙紫陽即使想推動政治改革，沒有鄧小平大力支持，也不容易，等到學潮不可收拾，趙竟能堅持自己的理念，不再依附鄧小平的想法，卻也葬送自己的前途。 The main subjects of this thesis are as follow. First, in late period of the Cultural Revolution, lack of military background, relatively young, how does Zhao Ziyang climb rapidly on the positions of the Premier and the General Secretary from a local primary official? Its cause and process are worth probing into. Second, in the late period of the Cultural Revolution, the Communist Party of China is devoted to the economic reformation. Zhao Ziyang is in charge of economic affairs while taking on the Premier. The role he acts will also be discussed in this thesis. Third, as Zhao Ziyang serves as the Premier and the General Secretary, he needs Deng Xiaoping's support. Why they stand the opposite positions at 1989 student strike? It is worth deeply analyzing the changes of interaction between Zhao and Deng. Before becoming the central authorities, Zhao Ziyang's is a shrewd and capable bureaucrat, who has highly political sensitivity, well capability and constructively cooperating with the central policy. But perhaps limited to the China Communist Party internal political faction culture; Zhao Ziyang, at that time, does not deserve to be called having a political ideal. After becoming the Premier in 1980, Zhao Ziyang carries out the Deng Xiaoping’s will of pursuing economic reformation and opening-up. Meanwhile, he is also limited to 'The Four Insistences' on politics at the same time. Therefore, the economic reformation is difficult to move on smoothly, the problem caused by the society transition comes one after another. He also bears the responsibility of the goods price reformation failures. When promoted to the General Secretary, even if Zhao Ziyang wants to lend an impetus to political reformation, but without Deng Xiaoping’s fully support, it is not easy. Until the student strike is out of control, Zhao no longer depends on Deng Xiaoping's will. He adheres to his own faith and that leads to the end of his political career.
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