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|題名: ||美國對華政策之研究(1947-1950);A Study of the U.S. Policy toward the Republic of China,1947-1950|
|關鍵詞: ||國安會文件編號 37系列;孫立人;臺灣自由省;臺灣局勢假設性發展;National Security Council 37 series;Sun Li Jen;Taiwan Free Province;Hypothetical Development of the Formosan Situation|
|上傳時間: ||2016-10-13 14:51:24 (UTC+8)|
;There was a limited reorganization of the National Government but it was one which failed to bring about any significant changes, namely the Socialist Democratic Party, the Youth Party and the non-party appointees to join the National Government, whereas Kuomintang refusal to permit the minority parties to organize and campaign freely for the elections and control by the CC Clique throughout National Government territory, in the same few hands and within this framework Chiang Kai-shek has continued to be the main determinative force in Chinese Government policy. John Leighton Stuart has told Chiang Kai-shek the U.S. Government will assist the National Government as long as reform. After consolidating the San Min Chu I Youth Corps with the Kuomintang, the U.S. Government recognized largely domination by the CC Clique on a local and organizational basis through with a primarily Political Science Group national administration, and the Youth Corps, largely domination by the CC Clique but also resisting that influence through army inspiration. As for the consolidation of the Youth Corps with the Party, it was a desire to eliminate the growing friction between the Kuomintang. Whereas the U.S. Government recognized there may indeed be reform and purge of a kind since the program for consolidation of the Youth Corps provides for a reenlistment of all Party members. It is difficult at this stage to predict what form it will conform to the desires and ambitions of the dominant clique. In this connection it should be noted that indications are the CC Clique has emerged in a stronger position than previously because it controls the Youth Corps.
The U.S. Government foresaw the ultimate collapse of the National Government with change occurring in the Chinese civil war on the mainland. Within Nationalist China the power and prestige of Chiang Kai-shek is steadily weakening because of the unsuccessful prosecution of the war under his leadership and his apparent unwillingness and inability to accomplish positive reforms. The principal dangers to the National Government continue to be the progressive deterioration of the military situation, the prospect of a breach in Nationalist ranks through the formation of regional political associations. While the removal of Chiang’s dominating personality would open the way for the formation of a broadly representative government under new and progressive non-Communist leadership. The U.S. Government faced up to the probability that disappearance of the National Government as they know it is only a matter of time. The U.S. Government isolated Taiwan and the Pescadores from the mainland while abandoning Chiang Kai-shek’s regime. With collapse of peace talks, virtually unopposed crossing of Yangtze, Livingston T. Merchant considered any united Nationalist military resistance to Communists appears improbable. Any resistance seems almost certain to be provincial or regional regardless of outcome showdown between Li Tsung-jen and Chiang Kai-shek for clear title as President disintegrating Republic. Merchant proposed a policy of calculated inaction colored with opportunism, hence the U.S. Government kept the National Government at a distance.
The U.S. Government took hands-off policy after abandoning Chiang Kai-shek’s regime, and developing new relationship with Communists. Chinese Communist Party formed an alliance with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, American policy-makers elaborated policies to prevent the Communist manipulation of Taiwan against the U.S. thereby. The outbreak of the Korean War, Truman announced that a naval force would be sent to neutralize the Taiwan Straits. Thenceforward, the plan of staging a Coup D′état on Taiwan is in abeyance.
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