| 摘要: | 本研究的主旨在透過客家內婚與客家、外省通婚兩類婚配模式，來探討客家與外省的族群性別文化，以及社會環境與其他因素如何形塑族群婚姻中的夫妻性別關係。台灣社會中一直以來對族群的性別文化存在著刻板印象，但是對於族群性別文化的形塑過程及原因等解釋卻鮮有人知，近年來，國內的家庭社會學者亦注意到族群對夫妻性別關係的影響力，但是針對族群婚姻所作的直接探討仍舊十分缺乏。族群在婚姻中所扮演的角色為何？如何影響夫妻性別關係？本文以此為切入點來了解族群婚姻中的性別關係，並以互相關聯的結構性觀點來看待變動與多元的婚姻關係，以期發現影響婚姻性別關係的結構因素及運作模式，並且試圖與國內外的家庭社會學理論開展對話。 研究中以20位年長世代的客家女性作為訪談對象，其中10位是客家內婚的女性，10為與第一代外省族群通婚的女性，藉由對原生與夫家家庭、性別態度、家務分工、家庭決策權與個人特質與資源的訪談描述來呈現族群婚姻中的性別關係。研究顯示，客家與外省族群的確存在著不同的族群性別文化，客家內婚的夫妻性別關係因為大家庭的親屬結構以及客家族群保守、傳統等特質，使其較為趨向傳統男尊女卑的傳統性別關係，也使得女性的個人資源無法有效地提昇其在家中的地位；但是在客家、外省通婚的家庭中，夫妻間則明顯有較為平等的地位，尤其是在自由戀愛而結婚的例子中，由於第一代外省族群特殊的歷史因素，使得通婚的女性較無公婆與親屬網絡的壓力，且因為丈夫長期在外工作而讓妻子肩負大部分家庭責任，也使得女性在家庭中較有機會與丈夫取得對話權。相對於因遷徙較早，而在台有穩固親屬網絡與宗族結構的客家族群來說，第一代的外省族群因多為單身來台，而儼然成為一「新」的族群，在族群文化的創新階段，族群內部還沒有凝聚出共同的集體意識，內部規範也尚未形成，因此族群性別關係較有機會跳脫社會上傳統的性別規範，而形塑出多元的婚姻性別關係。 在本研究中，亦發現兩類族群婚姻中的家務分工區別不明顯，內婚與通婚的女性均需負責大部分的家務，但家庭決策權的過程與內容則實際反映了家庭內的性別關係，透過訪談對象對決策權的描述，可以描繪出每個家庭的權力關係，以及個人在家庭中扮演的角色，而在家庭決策權上，通婚女性的權力則明顯高於內婚的女性。本研究發現，由家庭結構、經濟條件、職業類別、性別態度等結構性因素建構出的族群性別文化，不僅深深地影響了族群內部成員，其更透過婚姻關係來維持與傳承，而更進一步對族群性別文化形成階段的檢視，則是將研究對象放置在族群文化發展的背景中，以期對族群、性別、婚姻三者間的關聯有更深一層的了解。 The thesis examines how environment and other causalities forms intermarriage’s gender relationship, and what the essence of Hakka and Mainland’s gender is. There is stereotype in Taiwan’s ethnic gender, but there is few people curious about how gender forms. In recent years, there are still less direct discussion of ethnic marriage, although some Taiwan’s scholars researching family also notice that ethnicity’s influence of gender relationship in marriage. What role does ethnic group play in marriage? How it influences gender relationship between couples? The thesis hopes these resolutions can help to understand gender relationship in intermarriage more, more than this, conversation with family’s theories nowadays. The thesis analyzes the stories told by 20 older-generation intermarriage Hakka women to find out the description of pre-marital and post-marital, gender attitude, housework, family decision, and personal resources. On the conclusion, Hakka and Mainland indeed exist different gender. As a result of its extended family and conservative ethnicity, Hakka tends to traditional inequality gender relationship, and women’s personal resources can’t influence their family status. But the situation is different for women married Mainland. First, the first generation Mainland’s specific history context, so Mainlanders’ wives have less pressure of seniority. Second, Because Mainland husbands always work outside, their Hakka wives have to take full responsibility of family so that they have more power to make decision. Compare Hakka with Mainland, Hakka have stronger relative and clan network because migrated earlier than Mainland. And because The first generation Mainland almost come to Taiwan all alone, Mainland just like become a whole “new” ethnic group. In an early phase of forming ethnicity, the common collective conscious and standard have not appeared yet. Therefore, Mainland’s gender relationship may depart from traditional gender standard, and it will form various gender relationship. By analyzing women’s narratives who have intermarriage experience, the conditions of housework in Hakka and Mainland marriage are similar, and women in two families have to be responsible for most housework. But the process and contents of family decision actually reflect family’s gender relationship. We can draw marital power in every family through their narratives about family decision, and women married Mainland obviously have higher marital power than women married Hakka. The thesis argues that ethnic gender are constructed by family structure, financial factor, occupation, and gender attitude, they not only influence ethnic members deeply, but also be maintained and inherited through marriage. By surveying the process of forming ethnic gender, we will more understand how ethnic groups, gender, and marriage connect and influence each other. |
