| 摘要: | 日常生活中，普羅大眾的資訊獲取來源往往來自媒體。然各家媒體的報導往往受編輯部所持意識形態及立場左右，在此影響下，在讀者眼中忠實陳述事實的媒體似乎不盡然公正客觀。當報導內容涉及政治時，這些影響將更加顯著。本文以法國三大全國性報紙─《人道報》(l’Humanité)、《世界報》(Le Monde)、《費加洛報》(Le Figaro)─為研究對象及材料，取徑1964年中法建交及1971年聯合國中國代表權問題，探討法國分處不同意識形態陣營的報紙如何解讀並進一步向其讀者表述此事件。
為理解當代地緣政治情形，第一章首先探討世界冷戰格局下，中國所扮演的角色及法國的國際外交政策。隨著毛澤東帶領的中華人民共和國的崛起，其國際實力成為冷戰中的變動因子。中國與冷戰兩大強權─美國及蘇聯─有著各樣的政治互動及軍事角力。視角轉向法國，戴高樂(Charles de Gaulle)總統執政時期所提之跳脫冷戰架構、「獨立且強大的法國」主導了當代法國外交政策。接續其位的龐畢度(Georges Pompidou)在國際政策上也延續了此項原則。不管是1964年決定與中國建交，還是1971年在中國代表權問題中選擇支持中華人民共和國，冷戰架構中饒富特色的戴高樂主義都影響了當代法國對中政策。
在前章所建構出的國際地緣政治情勢下，第二章以對台灣政府的稱呼及相關報導的標題為主，分析法國各報對於中國國際承認問題的理解與報導。《人道報》以共產黨思想出發，支持中華人民共和國政府並否定在台灣之中華民國政府的存在及其主權。《世界報》保持較冷漠的視角，不做過多的評論。《費加洛報》則是最大限度的肯定了中華民國政府在台灣行使之主權。
為取信讀者，報紙的寫作策略可分為兩項：其一為主觀詮釋性寫作方法，撰寫者直接為讀者立下幾乎無討論空間的直接定義；其二則為透過資訊的堆疊，客觀敘述欲報導的事件。多樣化的寫作策略帶出了具備不同意識形態、立場截然不同的國際觀點，媒體對其閱聽者的影響力實不容小覷。
;The public often relies on the mass media as the source of information in their daily life. However, the mass media is often led by an ideology that its editorial line wants to transmit to the readers. In this situation, the mass media, though reliable in the reader’s eyes, doesn’t seem to be unbiased. This thesis takes the three major national newspapers in France during the Cold War – l’Humanité, Le Monde, Le Figaro – as the research object and materials, focusing on representations generated in France in 1964; the year when the country established diplomatic relation with the People’s Republic of China, and in 1971; the time when the dispute of China’s representation in the United Nations was being resolved and settled. Our research aims to find out how these different newspapers, with different ideologies, interpreted the international events in that era, and how they told the stories to their readers.
In order to clarify the contemporary geopolitical situation, the first chapter is devoted to the discussion of China’s role and French diplomatic policy during the Cold War. With the rise of People’s Republic of China under Mao Zedong’s direction, China’s international forces became a significant factor during the Cold War. Her interactions with the two superpowers of the Cold War – the United States of America and the Soviet Union marked the change of status of the Cold War. As for France, during the reign of Charles de Gaulle, French diplomatic policy focused mainly on building a ‘‘Great France’’ that is independent of the Cold War’s bipolar framework. As the successor, Georges Pompidou’s government followed this principle of international policy. Whether in 1964, on the decision to establish diplomatic relations with People’s Republic of China or in 1971, on taking the side of People’s Republic of China in the debate of China′s representation in the United Nations, the Gaullism dominated largely the China policy of France at that time.
In Chapter II, the interpretation of press toward the issue of China’s representation will be analyzed based on the nomination of government in Taiwan and on the corresponding reports’ titles. l’Humanité rests in communism, leading it to support the government of People’s Republic of China and therefore, denied the existence and the sovereignty of the Kuomintang’s government (led by Chiang Kai-shek) in Taiwan. Le Monde remained relatively objective when it comes to politics and managed to avoid direct comments most of the time. In contrast, Le Figaro, affirmed and maximized the sovereignty of Taiwan’s government.
As a result of our research, the writing strategies of the three newspapers mentioned above can be categorized into two types: one is the “interpretative writing”, in which the writer assertively defined a situation (though in a trustworthy manner) in the news article, leaving the readers little room for discussion; the other one is the “informative writing”, providing the readers with less comments and analysis but more facts. With various writing strategies depending on different ideologies, diverse positions on international issue are brought out. The influence of mass media on the public’s political view should not be underestimated. |
