客家女兒與宗族的連結 -以桃竹地區為例;Hakka Daughters and Their Connection to Clans: A Case Study of the Taoyuan and Hsinchu Areas

NCUIR > College of Hakka Studies > The Executive Master Program of Hakka Studies > Electronic Thesis & Dissertation > Item 987654321/97767

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Title:	客家女兒與宗族的連結 -以桃竹地區為例;Hakka Daughters and Their Connection to Clans: A Case Study of the Taoyuan and Hsinchu Areas
Authors:	徐惠珊;Hsu, Hui-Shan
Contributors:	客家語文暨社會科學學系客家研究碩士在職專班
Keywords:	客家;女性;宗族;祖塔;行動者;Hakka;women;clan;ancestral tower;activists
Date:	2025-06-06
Issue Date:	2025-10-17 11:53:03 (UTC+8)
Publisher:	國立中央大學
Abstract:	客家宗族文化深深植根於父系繼嗣體制，強調男性是傳承家系、祭祀祖先與宗族事務的核心。在傳統宗族觀念中，男性被視為永久成員，享有族譜登錄、參與祭祀及財產繼承權利。相對地，女兒常被定位為「暫時性成員」，因為傳統上認為她們成年後將「婚嫁離家」，成為夫家的人。這種父系結構導致性別化的宗族空間與儀式。宗族會議、祭祖、掃墓等多由男性主導。女性主要負責準備祭品和協助家務，體現「男主外，女主內」的傳統分工。傳統上，已婚女兒常被禁止或勸誡不要回娘家祭拜祖先或參與宗族事務，以免帶走娘家福氣/財氣。女性在宗族組織中普遍缺乏發言權與決策地位。許多女兒因順從長輩教誨或為家庭和諧，甚至選擇放棄財產繼承權，儘管法律已保障繼承權。然而，隨著社會變遷、性別平等意識提升及法律的修改（如民法、祭祀公業條例），傳統父系宗族體系面臨挑戰。部分宗族開始適應現代社會，例允許未婚或離異的女兒在百年後入祖塔或公廳牌位，但有時仍設有條件。客家女兒也逐漸展現能動性，部分女性願意承擔文化傳承責任或積極參與宗族事務，甚至擔任幹部推動改革。年輕一代對傳統繁瑣儀式熱情較低，更傾向於簡約、環保的身後事安排（如樹葬、海葬），並強調自主選擇與紀念心意。總而來說，客家女兒與宗族的關係是動態演變的。在傳統父系結構限制下，女性正透過不同方式尋求與原生家族的連結、百年後的歸屬，並展現出面對傳統規範的自主思考與選擇。 ;Hakka clan culture is deeply rooted in a patrilineal inheritance system, emphasizing that men are the core of family lineage, ancestor worship, and clan affairs. In traditional clan concepts, men are regarded as permanent members, enjoying rights to be recorded in the family tree, participate in ancestral rituals, and inherit property. In contrast, daughters are often positioned as "temporary members," as it is traditionally believed that after reaching adulthood, they will "marry and leave home," becoming part of their husband′s family. This patriarchal structure leads to gendered clan spaces and rituals. Clan meetings, ancestor worship, and tomb sweeping are predominantly male-led activities. Women are mainly responsible for preparing offerings and assisting with household chores, reflecting the traditional division of labor of "men outside, women inside." Traditionally, married daughters are often prohibited or discouraged from returning to their natal families to worship ancestors or participate in clan affairs, to avoid taking away the family′s fortune or blessings. Women generally lack a voice and decision-making power within clan organizations. Many daughters, out of obedience to elders or for the sake of family harmony, even choose to give up their inheritance rights, despite legal protections for such rights. However, with social changes, the rise of gender equality awareness, and legal modifications (such as the Civil Code and the Ancestral Worship Public Affairs Regulations), the traditional patrilineal clan system is facing challenges. Some clans have begun to adapt to modern society, for example, allowing unmarried or divorced daughters to enter the ancestral tower or public hall after a hundred years, although there are still conditions attached at times. Hakka daughters are gradually demonstrating agency, with some women willing to take on the responsibility of cultural transmission or actively participate in clan affairs, even serving as leaders to promote reform. The younger generation shows less enthusiasm for traditional cumbersome rituals and tends to prefer simpler, more environmentally friendly arrangements for their afterlife (such as tree burials or sea burials), emphasizing autonomy in choice and the sentiment of remembrance. In summary, the relationship between Hakka daughters and their clans is dynamically evolving. Under the constraints of traditional patriarchal structures, women are seeking connections with their natal families and a sense of belonging after a hundred years in various ways, showcasing independent thinking and choices in the face of traditional norms.
Appears in Collections:	[The Executive Master Program of Hakka Studies] Electronic Thesis & Dissertation

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